From Subjugation to Solidarity: Colonial Trauma and Contemporary Indo-Africa Cooperation

Abstract

European occupation left both Africa and India grappling with wrecked economies and a social fabric torn through the forces of racism and subjugation. This article demonstrates how colonial trauma, historical figures and ideologies affect the legal and diplomatic dynamics of the two.

Introduction

The significance of history lies in the fact that even though it’s over, its impacts are ever-lasting. The concept of ‘Path Dependence’ exemplifies this statement. Borrowed from economics by politics, it says that once a country or region has started down a track, costs of reversal are exorbitant.[1] A corroboration of this idea is found in the use of Europe’s exploitative policies in India and Africa and their contemporary relevance. Whether it was the estimated death of around a 100 million Indians during colonial rule,[2] or the enslavement of about 3.1 million African men, women and children,[3] the subjugation left deep imprints on the society. The collective economic, social, political and psychological devastation never resulted in any consequences for the responsible empire. But it did bind the victims into ever-lasting solidarity.

Though Indo-African relations have existed since time immemorial, the destructive effects of the colonial rule deepened the roots of solidarity between the two. This article explores how common ideologies and anti-imperialist personalities have influenced current diplomatic and legal relations.

Historical Context

Colonisation in Africa began along the coasts, but by the 1870s, European powers, driven by economic crises, mineral discoveries, and imperial rivalries, moved inland, causing conflicts with both Indigenous populations and rival empires. Early tensions were especially intense in the Congo Basin and Central Africa, where Belgium, France, Portugal, and Britain, allied with Portugal, competed for control.[4] As the “Scramble for Africa,” a phrase widely used to refer to the period from the late 19th to the early 20th century in which European imperial powers claimed control of most African territory, erupted, European powers competed for territory and resources. The Berlin Conference was hosted in 1884-85 by German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, and it established rules for claiming land, internationalised trade on the Congo and Niger, and recognised King Leopold’s controversial Congo Free State. Only about 20 percent of Africa, mainly the coastal parts of the continent, had already been staked by European powers before the conference. By 1890, five years after it, about 90 percent of African territory was colonised, including inland nations.[5]

Meanwhile, in India, after the Mughal Empire weakened during the 18th century, the British East India Company took advantage of the resulting power vacuum. The intention of colonization was realized with moments like the Battle of Plassey in 1757, a pivotal battle in which the Company defeated Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah and opened the way for the Company’s expansion of British rule through further territorial expansion and Battle of Buxar in 1764.[6] Ultimately, the Company changed from a trading company to a governing power through diplomacy in 1876 that enabled military conquest and treaty negotiations that allowed the Company to piece together India from various provinces into a patchwork of princely states that were subject to British authority.[7]

Impact of Colonial Rule and Comparative Trajectories

The pattern of territorial expansion in Africa finds a parallel in India, where British rule consolidated fragmented provinces under extractive institutions. In both regions, colonial powers mandated systems prioritising resource extraction and political control, creating enduring social, economic, and political disruptions. This can be seen in the distinction between colonies like North America or New Zealand, ‘that were relatively healthy for Europeans’, or settler colonies, and exploitation colonies where ‘European settlers were less likely to go’,[8] like Africa and India. Moreover, such institutions were often established when the colonisers were utterly unaware of the existing norms and cultures of the people subjugated,[9] which led to destruction of tradition. These legacies of predatory governance contributed to shared experiences of trauma that shaped postcolonial realities.

Anti-Colonial Figures and Ideology as a Bridge

The colonial experiences of rule in Africa and India fostered the conditions for ideological and political solidarity. The traumatic experiences established a basis for empathy, mutual expectation, and a shared desire for liberation. While Indians occupied a somewhat higher phase in the colonial racial hierarchy, and Africans experienced greater systemic oppression, both communities were confronted with serious violence due to imperialism.[10]

Individuals such as Gandhi and Nehru demonstrate the agency of individuals in translating shared colonial experiences into ideological bridges. For example, while Gandhi's early life was spent in South Africa, the development of his anti-colonial consciousness was complicated, as he progressively moved towards what became a more universal commitment to justice, though he initially exhibited strong biases.[11] For instance, the word satyagraha originated in South Africa for a limited objective: removal of the legal disabilities which Indians there suffered from. In Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah’s call for Positive Action, a non-violent mass mobilisation inspired by Gandhi’s satyagraha in India, demonstrated how anti-colonial movements drew strength from shared ideologies and strategies across the Global South.[12] In contrast to Gandhi, Nehru framed India's independence as being linked to other movements of the Afro-Asian world, calling for joint action against imperial and racial oppression.[13]

Colonial impositions also shaped broader political frameworks. They forced societies to confront questions of governance, identity, and cohesion, producing a consciousness sensitive to the vulnerabilities of subjugation. As a result, anti-colonial movements in Africa and India were not merely reactions, but also revisions, attempting to find mandates of justice and fairness that looked beyond the arbitrary borders and hierarchies of the empire.[14]

This ideological bridge continues to shape Indo-African relations today. Shared legacies of colonialism remain a foundation for diplomatic and legal cooperation, while also fostering a moral sense of solidarity that informs South-South collaboration and global advocacy for justice.

Contemporary Legal and Diplomatic Implications

The trauma of cultural imperialism, which refers to imposing alien values, norms and practices on a subordinate society,[15] have resulted in a connection which is exemplified in high level visits and exchanges. For instance, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was among the very first leaders of state to visit newly independent Sudan in 1957. Sudanese leader Ismail El Azhari made reciprocal visits to India in 1955 and 1967.[16] Beyond political motives, these visits signified a shared struggle against and victory over imperialism

Afro-Asian solidarity also rested on a strong ideological foundation. Having both endured exploitative colonial systems, India and Africa rejected minority regimes and authoritarian structures that resembled their former oppressors. India offered moral, as well as material, support for Africa's struggle for justice, ending diplomatic ties with South Africa when apartheid was launched, standing in solidarity against minority rule Portuguese Africa and South Rhodesia, sending peacekeeping troops in the Congo Crisis, and organizing support for electoral processes.[17] Most significantly, these morally informed gestures were rooted in ethical, empathetic and shared historical wounds.

This partnership continues even today, in various forms- maritime exercises, high level exchanges, etc. An important example is the induction of the African Union into G20 during India's presidency in 2023.[18] By placing Africa at the global high table, India reaffirmed that a common history of colonial trauma continues to guide Indo-African cooperation in shaping world affairs.

Conclusion

Nkrumah’s statement: “Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all the things shall be added unto you,”[19] establishes the importance of historical correlation of a similar colonial struggle for the current diplomatic ties of India and Africa. Coming back to the theory of ‘Path Dependence’, we realise that the current underdevelopment of both the regions, unequitable distribution of resources, or even the cultural setbacks, can be traced back to European colonial rule. Reversal is costly, which is why the relevance of Indo-Africa partnership has increased manifold. By leveraging shared history and solidarity, India and Africa are charting a collaborative path to overcome past traumas and shape a more equitable future.

References

Image Credit: https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/time-for-a-new-chapter-in-india-africa-relations

Content:

[1] Gita Subrahmanyam, ‘Ruling continuities: Colonial rule, social forces and path dependence in British India and Africa’ (2006) 44 (1) Commonwealth & Comparative Politics <https://doi.org/10.1080/14662040600624478> accessed 19 September 2025

[2] Dylan Sullivan and Jason Hickel, ‘How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years’ Al Jazeera (2 December 2022) <https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/12/2/how-british-colonial-policy-killed-100-million-indians> accessed 19 September 2025

[3] Nosmot Gbadamosi, ‘Stealing Africa: How Britain looted the continent’s art’ Al Jazeera (12 October 2021) <https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2021/10/12/stealing-africa-how-britain-looted-the-continents-art> accessed 19 September 2025

[4] Eleanor Masters, ‘The Berlin Conference and the New Imperialism in Africa’ (Amdigital, 07 March 2023) <https://www.amdigital.co.uk/insights/blog/the-berlin-conference-and-the-new-imperialism-in-africa> accessed 2 October 2025

[5] Shola Lawal, ‘Colonising Africa: What happened at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885?’ (Aljazeera, 26 February 2025) <https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/2/26/colonising-africa-what-happened-at-the-berlin-conference-of-1884-1885 > accessed 2 October 2025

[6] Kundan Kumar and Dr. Swati Shastri, ‘Pioneering the British Raj: Establishment and Evolution of Colonial Rule in India’ (2024) 6 (2) IJFMR <https://doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2024.v06i02.17535> accessed 2 October 2025

[7] Aziz Rahman, Mohsin Ali and Saad Kahn, ‘The British Art of Colonialism in India: Subjugation and Division’ (2018) 25 (1) Peace and Conflict Studies <https://nsuworks.nova.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1439&context=pcs> accessed 2 October 2025

[8] Abdallah Zouache, ‘Institutions and the colonisation of Africa: some lessons from French colonial economics’ (2018) 14 (2) Journal of Institutional Economics 373-391 <doi:10.1017/S1744137416000503> accessed 2 October 2025

[9] Tamara Sivanandan, ‘Anticolonialism, National Liberation and Post-colonial Nation Formation’ in Neil Lazaurs (eds), The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies (Cambridge University Press, 2004)

[10] Alexander E. Davis, ‘Solidarity or hierarchy?: India’s identification with Africa and the postcolonial politics of race’ (2018) 17 (2) India Review <https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2018.1452415> accessed 2 October 2025

[11] Ibid

[12] Robert Addo Fening, ‘Gandhi and Nkrumah: A study of Non-violence and Non-cooperation campaigns in India and Ghana as an anti-colonial Strategy’ (1972) 13 (1) Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana <https://www.jstor.org/stable/41405805> accessed 3 October 2025

[13] Davis (n 9)

[14] Baljit Singh, ‘Anti-Colonial National Liberation Movement: Asia and Africa’ (2022) 7 (10) EPRA IJRD <https://doi.org/10.36713/epra2016> accessed 2 October 2025

[15] Dare Ezekiel Arowolo, ‘Dancing on a knife-edge: European colonisation of Africa and Nigeria’s cultural crisis’ (2021) 22 (2) African Identities <https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2022.2040422> accessed 3 October 2025

[16] Paul Chiudza Banda, ‘India-Africa Relations: 1947 to the Present’ (Diplomatist, 26 August 2006) <https://diplomatist.com/2020/08/26/india-africa-relations-1947-to-the-present/> accessed 3 October 2025

[17] Ibid

[18] Malancha Chakrabarty, ‘Time for a new chapter in India-Africa relations’ (ORF, 8 February 2024) <https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/time-for-a-new-chapter-in-india-africa-relations> accessed 3 October 2025

[19] Arowolo (n 15)

Note:

The author affirms that this article is an entirely original work, never before submitted for publication at any journal, blog or other publication avenue. Any unintentional resemblance to previously published material is purely coincidental. This article is intended solely for academic and scholarly discussion. The author takes personal responsibility for any potential infringement of intellectual property rights belonging to any individuals, organizations, governments, or institutions.

About the Author:

Meemansha Tiwari, law student and aspiring legal professional, focused on international relations and security issues through rigorous research and practical engagement.